Tagged with Australia

Today Tonight’s Refugee Story Ripped Apart By Media Watch

If you view Media Watch semi-regularly, you’ll know the media in Australia have run stories that are highly-inflamatory and extremely misleading for years. But the fact that these self-described investigative reports still run continues to take my breath away. A few weeks ago, Today Tonight made some pretty big claims about refugees living in 4-star resorts and getting paid large amounts of money, frustrating its hundreds of thousands of viewers. However, as Media Watch showed, the story was based on previous reporting, deliberate editing of figures and misleading those who they interviewed. In what is one of the most fascinating Media Watch critiques I have seen, Today Tonight got ripped a new one for this piece. And rightfully so. This highlights why the average Australian has such a warped view of the refugee issue in Australia, and it is because of pieces like this that voters place demands on the government that seriously breach our international legal obligations to refugees. A bit more clear and factual thinking, is it so much to ask of our media?

Now, if you are interested in what kind of conditions refugees/asylum seekers actually live in, check out this piece by Four Corners, which in my view takes a much more factual look at this situation. This report, aired just two weeks after the Today Tonight program mentioned above. What a strange world we live in sometimes.

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Asylum Seekers and Homelessness: Australia’s Hidden Human Rights Failure

(This is extracted from an essay I did on the issue. It is not the final version, so it may contain grammatical errors and such, but I wasn’t going to put the final version up. I am simply interested in sharing the facts and information, not giving out a free essay.)

Photo: “Homeless in Sugamo 1″ by Jim Fischer

Human rights in Australia continue to come under threat. Due to a failure of the Australian Government to uphold its international human rights obligations, asylum seekers have become a disadvantaged group and are threatened by homelessness. Despite Australia’s signature on several key international human rights documents, these rights cannot be realised by asylum seekers due to a lack of legislative protection and subsequent failures of social services. As a result, many asylum seekers live without the human rights that Australia has promised, but not fulfilled.

This paper will discuss the issue of homelessness faced by asylum seekers from a human rights perspective. I will firstly outline the threat of homelessness faced by asylum seekers. Second, I will discuss homelessness as a human rights issue by outlining the international human rights discourse on housing, while also look at Australia’s role in housing rights realisation. Thirdly, I will argue that a human rights approach to tackling the issue of asylum seeker homelessness is required to address the problem. Finally, I will discuss the weaknesses and strengths of a human rights approach.

While homelessness affects many people in Australia, asylum seekers encounter unique circumstances upon arrival in Australia. These barriers to social services due to a range of unique issues faced by asylum seekers have created a disadvantaged group that are unable to realise their right to shelter and human dignity.  Asylum seekers are persons living lawfully within Australia who are outside their country of origin due to a fear of persecution, awaiting the grant of full refugee and protection status from the government (Liddy, Sanders & Coleman 2010, p. 7).  However, it has become clear that asylum seekers, despite being able to live in Australia while awaiting the outcome of their protection/humanitarian visas, are increasingly at risk of becoming homeless. Homelessness Australia notes that asylum seeker and other recently arrived migrants “are very vulnerable to homelessness” and that “as many as one third of refugees and asylum seekers become homeless at some point after arriving in Australia” (Homelessness Australia 2006). Homelessness Australia also notes that youth and children are “six times more likely to become homeless than other young people” (Homelessness Australia 2006), while many asylum seekers are “destitute at some stage…and are…utterly dependent upon charity and community supporters to meet their basic subsistence needs” (Asylum Seekers Centre of New South Wales 2008, p 12). Homelessness, regardless of race and background, is a human rights issue. The right to adequate housing/shelter, food and social services are key human rights in international law As a result of homelessness, asylum seeker’s human rights are failing to be fully realised, and thus Australia is neglecting its international human rights obligations.

The international community, following the end of the Second World War, formed an organisation known as the United Nations (UN) in 1946 “to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind” (United Nations 2010 (2)). One of the core foundations built into the UN was the concept of human rights. Through a number of declarations and covenants, human rights were promulgated and an international human rights framework and institution was created. The core of the human rights system are several key documents which stipulate that an adequate standard of living, which includes, among others, housing, food and medical care, is a fundamental human right. As a result, asylum seekers who have become homeless then are failing to realise their human rights.  According to Article 25 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR),

“everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and wellbeing of himself…including food, housing and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to security in the event of…circumstances beyond his control” (United Nations 2010).

Asylum seekers, by definition, are the product of circumstances beyond their control and are naturally forced to seek the type of security outlined in Article 25 (along with freedom from persecution, torture, discrimination, arrest (Articles 3, 5, 7, 9) and so forth). Key to understanding human rights is realising that housing is seen to preserve the “health and wellbeing” (United Nations 2010) of the person. As the preamble of the UDHR stipulates, “whereas recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world,” (United Nations 2010), the preservation of human dignity is paramount to the realisation of human rights. Former Australian Human Rights Commissioner Chris Sidoti noted that human dignity was irremovable from access to shelter; “adequate housing is essential for human survival with dignity. Without a right to housing, many other basic human rights will be compromised” (Sidoti 1996). Thus, Sidoti acknowledges the flow-on of rights realisation that begins with access to housing.

So where does responsibility lie in the realisation of housing rights? While the UDHR remains non-committal, latter human rights declarations specify that the state must play a role in rights realisation. The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) emphasises the right to housing, in an almost identical language to the UDHR, but adds that “the States Parties will take appropriate steps to ensure the realisation of this right” (ICESCR 2007). While the UDHR promulgates the right, the ICESCR places additional emphasis on responsibility, clearly delegating that the state must take a significant role in the realisation of this right. The International Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination, Article 5 (e)(iii) also emphasising the role of the state in realising the right;

“States Parties undertake to prohibit and to eliminate racial discrimination in all its forms and to guarantee the right of everyone, without distinction….including…the right to housing” (CERD 2007)

Article 27 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC)  declares that every child has a right to an adequate standard of living, but importantly, “States Parties…shall take appropriate measures to implement this right and shall in case of need provide material assistance…with regard to…housing”(CRC 2007). Finally, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) provides that “States Parties shall take all appropriate measures…to ensure to such women the right…to enjoy adequate living conditions, particularly in relation to housing” (Article 14 (2)(h))(CEDAW 2007). In addition to these human rights instruments, the Report of the United Nations Conference on Human Settlements (HABITAT II) declared that  states “reaffirm our commitment to the full and progressive realisation of the right to adequate housing as provided for in international instruments” (HABITAT II).

What is important about these declarations is the ‘positive’ aspect of these rights. ‘First Generation Rights,’ more commonly known as Civil and Political Rights, generally require the state to abstain from engaging in an activity that would infringe upon a person’s dignity, for example arbitrary arrest, torture, persecution and so on (Ife 2008, p30-31). These are known as ‘negative’ rights, because they largely demand states refrain from certain behaviour. ‘Second Generation Rights,’ as such defined by CEDAW, ICESCR and CRC however are termed as ‘positive’ rights because they must be realised through action, as opposed to abstinence.  This therefore requires the state to act on the issue  of homelessness.

The aforementioned human rights declarations are all documents of international human rights law to which Australia is a party to. Australia was also a signatory of the statement HABITAT II. That said, Australia has therefore declared that the right to housing exists, and that the state is a necessarily component in the right realisation.

On the issue of asylum seekers, the United Nations’ High Commissioner on Refugees (UNHCR) stipulated that housing is essential for their needs;

“asylum-seekers should have access to the appropriate governmental and non-governmental entities when they require assistance so that their basic support needs, including food, clothing, accommodation, and medical care..are met” (UNHCR 2010)

Therefore, state action in addressing the needs of asylum seekers is necessary for the full realisation of the human right to housing. However, asylum seekers in Australia face the threat of becoming homeless due to a lack of state assistance.

After looking at the international discourse on the human right to housing, I now turn to engaging human rights as a solution to the problem. In any solution, it is important to understand the causes contributing to asylum seeker homelessness.

Firstly, asylum seekers “have no access to a government-funded financial safety net or a sustained independent income” (Liddy, Sanders & Coleman 2010, p. 7).  Secondly, for those not accommodated by friends or family, the

“small number of asylum seekers who are able to find employment face significant difficulties in accessing private rental stock due to their lack of rental references, but also due to racism and discrimination” (Liddy, Sanders & Coleman 2010, p. 19).

This lack of financial security creates a situation whereby many asylum seekers are threatened by homelessness and are therefore presented with the only alternative of securing services from the Australian Government.  However, securing such support has been a problem for many asylum seekers.   According to the Asylum Seeker Resource Centre (ASRC), “a recurring theme…is the lack of access that asylum seekers face when approaching Housing Services, and the inadequacy of current responses” (Burns, 2009, p 3). The ASRC also notes that Housing Agencies’ “willingness and understanding to provide an adequate emergency and transitional accommodation response”, as well as “a lack of safe rooming houses” and obstacles to “mainstream transitional housing” (Burns, 2009, p.3) all contributed to asylum seeker homelessness.

As I argued earlier, second generation rights, human rights that ensure human dignity by combatting issues like homelessness must come in part through ‘positive’ action from the state.  The covenants and declarations have all been signed by the Australian government, yet responsibility for realising these rights has often been left largely for non-governmental organisations and charities; but “both physically and financially, the community and not-for-profit sector cannot continue to carry the full responsibility of providing housing for asylum seekers” (Burns, 2009, p 3). Compounding the issue is the fact that “the housing needs of asylum seekers have been largely ignored in public policy debate(s) on homelessness” (Liddy, Sanders & Coleman 2010, p. 11).  Also, Australia’s legislative response could be compared to little more than lip service to the treaties and covenants it has signed; with no bill of rights, Australia has not added any constitutional entrenchment of the human rights it has supported in any of the covenants, unlike many others in the international community (Heyns & Viljoen, 2001, p 500). Further to this, the creation of legislation to adopt the measures of the treaties has been weak at best, with only some aspects of the ICESCR, CERD, CRD and CEDAW have been adopted by Parliament (Heyns & Viljoen, 2001, p 501). Legislative Acts that have been passed have only included specific rights, as Chappell, Chesterman and Hill (2009, p 39) stipulate, “none of the Acts fully implement the range of rights included in the international treaties.” Housing, is one such rights aspect that has failed to be constitutionally or legislatively realised, and according to the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission (HREOC), “agreed international human rights standards, including rights about housing, have not yet been fully incorporated into Australian law” (HREOC, 2008, p 8). In addition, the UN Human Rights Council Special Rapporteur “notes a weakness in Australian legislation regarding the implementation and monitoring of the right to adequate housing” (Kohtari, 2007, p 18). As per the treaties and covenants signed and ratified by Australia, the right to housing is requires significant action on the part of the state in order for the right to be fully realised. However, as I have just argued, Australian law has no constitutional or legislative protection for the right to housing, and thus, it seems, lacks a mandate to uphold the rights of the person, despite its signature on international law documents.  As such, the state has failed to realise the human right of asylum seekers and as a result, the right to an adequate standard of living cannot be met.

As I argued earlier, homeless is a real threat to asylum seekers following a lack of access for asylum seekers to financial and housing security. Government services are either unable or unwilling to arrange accommodation, and for those asylum seekers with an income, racial discrimination is the private housing market is a contributing factor to asylum seeker homelessness.  What is clear is that these issues need to be addressed in order to provide a solution.  While housing is a human right, it is currently being denied as such in Australia through a lack of policy and rights protection. Despite this, a human rights framework for the issue of housing already exists in international law and declarations. Therefore, it would be prudent to engage the government in addressing this issue from a human rights standpoint. Because Australia currently has no bill of rights or legislation enshrining the right to an adequate standard of living that acknowledges housing as a human right, this provides us with area to seek improvement. As the UN Special Rappateur noted, Australian policy, legislation and monitoring of housing rights is weak. As a result, the government needs to be addressed on this issue. The UN Special Rapporteur made several recommendations to the Australian government, in particular,

“ Australian legislation should explicitly incorporate human rights and the right to adequate housing, and the recommendations on housing and land made to the Australian authorities by various United Nations human rights bodies should be fully implemented” (Kohtari, 2007, p 2).

It is clear that Australia has failed to implement many of the UN declarations and treaties into legislative and policy practice, and it is clear that the threat of homelessness to an asylum seeker is related to lack of access and service provided by the government.

Because these human rights are not enshrined by law, the Australian judicial system does not need to recognise, legally, any treaty Australia has signed. While a Bill Of Rights would be an adequate response to the legal issue of housing, the Bill of Right is still being debated in Australia. Despite a community consensus that Australia should have a Bill, the Government declared that Australia was not yet ready for such a constitutional entrenchment of rights (Innes, 2010). Chappell, Chestermen and Hill (2009, p 80) also note that without strong leadership, such as that from a Prime Minister, “a bill of rights proposal is likely to founder.”  As a result, I argue that while a bill of rights may be a solution to the homelessness problem, it is unlikely to be practical in the immediate future. Therefore, I argue that a solution instead lies in an immediate, legislative direction.

As Theile (2002, p 714) promulgates, “by enshrining housing rights in legislation, states not only fulfil their respective international legal obligations, but create domestic legal systems that empower individuals…that allow(s) to enforce their rights.” In addition, the plans of the Australian Government’s White Paper on homelessness could be realised through legislative framework, according to Patricia Faulkner of the Social Inclusion Board (Burns, 2009, p.22). Wiles (2006, p 64) also states that social and economic rights (ICESDC) “should be made legally enforceable in principle, to protect the necessities of life.”  As a result of legislative framework, the government is not only provided with a clear mandate to respond to homelessness, but it also shapes the public response. Therefore, the government can be lobbied to create legislation that protects housing rights as a solution to homelessness, but also as one that fulfils Australia’s international legal duties. As such, lobbyists can take argue for dual obligations, strengthening the need for action on part of the government. In 2010, the Australian Parliament showed significant movement on housing legislation, further emphasising that legislative action is more likely to be seen in the short term, as opposed to a bill of rights.  The House of Representatives Family, Community, Housing and Youth Committee in May called for “new legislation to specify the right of all Australians to adequate housing with reference to Australia’s international human rights obligations” (Parliament of Australia, 2010). This declaration showed that Parliament was exhibiting signs of accepting that housing is a human right that requires legislative protection. While legislative action is yet to take place, placing leverage on Parliament, who are acknowledging the right to housing not only as a human right, but as an international obligation could see legislation enacted in Parliament in the near future.

There are issues however with addressing homelessness as a human rights issue. While economic and social rights declare a right to housing, without legal enforcement, they are little more than ideals. As Burns (2005, p 36) notes, “without legal enforceability, it is widely believed that economic and social rights will remain largely ineffectual as legal entities,” therefore, without legislative action, human rights cannot be fully realised. The history of economic and social rights should also not be discounted;  the ICESCR notably enforces rights that were lobbied for by the Soviet Union, and as a result, western nations such as the United States stood in strong opposition to them (Beetham, 1995, p 43).  As such, “the demosie of the USSR…has reinforced the priorities of the USA” (Beetham, 1995, p 43), and emphasised civil and political rights over economic and social right.

Political reality and political ideology are also two separate matters. Firstly, “law cannot be created…without some degree of social and political consensus” (Kinley and Martin, 2004, p 181), meaning public support for homelessness legislation will be paramount for ensuring it is passed in Parliament. The second obstacle in the case of realty vs. ideal is the obvious obligations that homelessness legislation would enforce upon the state.  A homelessness response would certainly require resources and funding, and the limitation of economic rights is that for the state to provide them, they must have the required resources. Maurice Cranston (1967) emphasised this aspect by stating that “ought implies can” (quoted in Hertel and Minkler, 2007, p 17), therefore a state can only provide such rights if it has the resources. Cranston also questioned whether a human right can be universal if it therefore requires positive action from someone, suggesting therefore that it cannot be universal if it depends on a government’s circumstances (Hertel and Minkler, 2007, p 17). Such questions of universality obviously threaten the notion of housing as a fundamental human right, while the financial and resources burden of a state-implemented response to homelessness would not only be a concern for state, but also imply that it won’t be achieved, even with legislation, without the necessary resources. Therefore, a human rights framework might exist through legislation, but fail to be realised as a result of resources.  This notably could also stifle public support for such legislation, if they feel that too many of their tax dollars will be spent on homelessness, rather than items they feel deserve more attention.

As I have argued, there are some significant weaknesses in promoting a human rights framework through legislative action. However, as I argued earlier, the political climate in Australia is currently in favour of rights. Parliament, as mentioned earlier, has recommended housing legislation be adopted to combat homelessness, showing that Government has already acknowledged a human rights response to homelessness is a viable solution. Therefore, Government opposition is being eroded in favour of social rights legislation. Secondly, the Australian public declared in 2009, in the National Human Rights Consultation that “only a minority believed our current (human rights) protections are adequate” and that most “wanted to see greater protection and promotion of human rights and responsibilities” (National Human Rights Consultation, 2009). Therefore, while there are a number of hurdles in adoption legislation, the community and the government both believe that greater protection for the homeless is required, and that the government has stipulated that a legislative framework that aims to protect housing as a human right should be adopted.

Human rights are fundamental and inalienable, and yet they are not always protected and enforced. In Australia, asylum seekers are becoming homeless, which prevents them to live in an adequate standard of living and thus realise their full human dignity. As per numerous international conventions and treaties, such as the ICESCR, housing is a human right, to which the state must take a role in ensuring. Australia has signed these international legal documents, but failed to implement any domestic legal protection for housing and the homeless. As a result, Australia has failed in its international obligations. Through lobbying government to enact housing legislation, a solution to homelessness could be achieved. By adopting a human rights framework as a response to homelessness, not only can a solution be found to the issue of asylum seeker homelessness, but Australia can also fulfil its international law obligations by protecting a fundamental human right.

Bibliography

Asylum Seekers Centre of New South Wales 2008, Annual Report 2007-08, viewed on 19 August 2010 via http://www.asylumseekerscentre.org.au/images/resources/reports/2008%20annual%20report%20website.pdf

Beetham, David (1996), What Future For Economic and Social Rights? Political Studies, XLIII, pp. 41-60

Burns, Ellen (2006), ASPIRATIONAL PRINCIPLES OR ENFORCEABLE RIGHTS? THE FUTURE FOR SocIo-ECONOMIC RIGHTS IN NATIONAL LAW, American University International Law Review, Volume 22, Issue 35

Burns, Johanna 2009, Locked Out: Position Paper on Homelessness of Asylum Seekers Living in the Community, Asylum Seeker Resource Centre, viewed on 8 August 2010 via http://www.asrc.org.au/media/documents/locked-out.pdf

CEDAW 2007, International Covenant on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women, Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, viewed 12 October 210 via http://www2.ohchr.org/english/law/cedaw.htm

CERD 2007, International Covenant on the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination, Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, viewed 12 October 210 via http://www2.ohchr.org/english/law/cerd.htm

CRC (2007), Convention on the Rights of the Child, Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, viewed 12 October 210 via http://www2.ohchr.org/english/law/crc.htm

HABITAT II, Report of the United Nations Conference on Human Settlements (Habitat II), no publication date given, viewed on 10 October 2010 via http://www.un-documents.net/ac165-14.htm

Hertek, Shareen and Minkler, Lanse (2007), Economic Rights: The Terrain, Working Paper 1, Economic Rights Working Paper Series, Human Rights Institute, University of Connecticut, viewed on October 17 via http://www.econ.uconn.edu/working/1.pdf

Heyns, Christof H. & Viljoen, Frans (2001), The Impact of the United Nations Human Rights Treaties on the Domestic Level, Human Rights Quarterly, Volume 23, Number 3, August 2001 pp. 483-535

Homelessness Australia (2006), Homelessness: NESB and Migrants, viewed 10 August 2010 via http://www.homelessnessaustralia.org.au/UserFiles/File/Homelessness%20NESB%20and%20migrants%20for%20web%281%29.pdf

HREOC (2008), Submission of the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission (HREOC) to the Green Paper on Homelessness- Which Way Home, 4 July 2008, viewed 4 October 2010 via http://www.hreoc.gov.au/legal/submissions/2008/20080704_homelessness.pdf

ICESCR (2007), International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, viewed 12 October 210 via http://www2.ohchr.org/english/law/cescr.htm

Ife, Jim (2008), Human Rights and Social Work: Towards Rights-Based Practice (rev. ed.), C.V.P.: Port Melbourne

Innes, Greg (2010), Commissioner appears before CERD Committee at the UN, Wednesday 10 August 2010, viewed on 15 August 2010 via http://www.hreoc.gov.au/about/media/speeches/race/2010/20100811_CERD.html

Kinley, David and Martine, Penny (2004), The Institutional Mediation of Human Rights in Australia, in The Politics of Australian Society,  Political Issues for the New Century, Boreham, Stokes and Hall (eds.), Pearson Education, Frenchs Forrest

Kothari, Miloon (2007), Report of the Special Rapporteur on adequate housing as a component of the right to an adequate standard of living, Mission to Australia, United Nations General Assembly, Human Rights Council, A/HRC/4/18/Add.2, 11 May 2007, accessed 10 October 2010 via http://daccess-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/G07/125/72/PDF/G0712572.pdf?OpenElement

Liddy, N., Sanders, S., & Coleman, C. 2010, Australia’s Hidden Homeless: Community-based options for asylum homelessness, Hotham Mission Aslyum Seeker Project, Melbourne, viewed 10 August 2010 via http://asp.hothammission.org.au/downloader.cgi?file=uploads%2Ffile%2FAustralia%27s%20Hidden%20Homeless%20-%20Hotham%20ASP%20Report%20August%202010.pdf&check=%C0%8A%89l%14L%EA%B4%87%A0%E7%C5%F9%2FH%AFM%8Er%7DL-%C6%8Bh

National Human Rights Consultation (2009), National Human Rights Consultation Report, Commonwealth of Australia, ISBN 978-1-921241-89-5, accessed 19 October 2010 via http://www.humanrightsconsultation.gov.au/www/nhrcc/RWPAttach.nsf/VAP/%284CA02151F94FFB778ADAEC2E6EA8653D%29~NHRC+Report+%28Chapter+2%29.pdf/$file/NHRC+Report+%28Chapter+2%29.pdf

Parliament of Australia (2010), Housing right for homeless, House Magazine, Issue 40, 14, last updated May 2010, viewed on 15 October 2010 via http://www.aph.gov.au/house/news/magazine/40/40_law_homeless.htm

Sidoti, Chris (1996), Housing as a human right, National Conference on Homelessness, Adress by Chris Sidoti on 4 September 1996, viewed on 10 October 2010 via http://www.hreoc.gov.au/pdf/human_rights/housing.pdf

United Nations (2010), The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, viewed 11 August 2010 via http://www.un.org/en/documents/udhr/

Thiele, Brett (2002), The Human Right to Adequate Housing, American Journal of Public Health, May 2002, Volume 95, Issue 2

United Nations 2010 (2), Charter of the United Nations, Preamble,  viewed 12 October 2010 via http://www.un.org/en/documents/charter/preamble.shtml

UNHCR 2010, Executive Committee Conclusion No. 93 – 2002: Conclusion on reception of asylum-seekers in the context of individual asylum systems, No. 93 (LIII) – 2002, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, viewed on 5 October 2010 via http://www.unhcr.org/3dafdd344.html

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The Pacific Solution and the ‘Wasteful Spending’ Paradox

Over the last month or so, and especially since the 2010 Federal Election campaigns kicked off, the ‘sound bites’ out of the respective parties have been coming thick and fast. The Liberals in particular have slammed the Federal Government for ‘wasteful spending’ at every opportunity. I’ve also heard them throwing out terms like ‘addicted to spending,’ conjuring up the image of a loose consortium of Gamblers Annoymous members who habitually put their money into a giant pokie machine in the shape of Australia. However, the ‘sound bites’ work, and generally the under-educated voter hears these snippets of criticism and vote according. It is classic election politics.

The problem with these ‘sound bites’ are that they fail in truly representing the bigger (and more accurate) picture. Take for example the Coalition’s promise to bring back the much-maligned ‘Pacific Solution.’ They are very adamant about ‘stopping the boats’ and the centerpiece of this policy is regional processing, particularly by directing the boats to nations like Nauru and Papua New Guinea. Now, we could go into the more highly publicised reasons why the Pacific Solution is poor policy, but I want to look at the costs associated with processing asylum-seekers through the Pacific Solution. As a Coalition blasting Federal Labor over ‘wasteful spending,’ they certainly have some skeletons in the closet that need to be explained. The Liberals, are despite the name, are for the most part fiscal conservatives. So, why does the Coalition want us to process asylum-seekers at nearly double the cost to Bazza and Shazza, the Australian Taxpayer? Why do they want Baz and Shaz to pay nearly double, when the asylum-seekers are brought to Australian shores anyway, once processing is completed?

To process an asylum-seeker on Australian shores, it costs approximately $38,000 per person of taxpayer’s money. 1

To process an asylum-seeker in a third country, like Nauru, it costs a staggering $198,000 per person. 2

Now consider the following truth about the Pacific Solution: 95% of asylum-seekers processed in Nauru were granted asylum in Australia and moved onshore once processing was completed 3. So in 95% of cases, we spent an extra $157,00 to do the same job overseas. In addition, we have to charter planes to transport persons to places like Nauru. According to A Just Australia, ‘Transferring and detaining the 83 Sri Lankan asylum seekers on Nauru will cost at least $60 million.’4  Is that not ‘wasteful spending’?

Yesterday, Tony Abbott spoke to the press, criticising Julia Gillard for not meeting with the president of Nauru to discuss re-opening the processing facility. He was very clear about what his Pacific Solution was all about:  “we are determined to send a strong message to people smugglers.”4  If it’s about sending a strong message, I can’t quite connect the dots. Because we are processing asylum-seekers in Nauru, say, and 95% of them are coming here anyway. So what message is that to the smugglers? To me it simply says ‘they’ll need to take a detour from now on.’

You wouldn’t have to be particularly smart to work out that this has very little to do with people smuggling operations and far more to do with the public perception that we are ‘stopping the boats.’ We might appear to be stemming the flow of boat arrivals, but immigration numbers are more likely to remain the same if they are processed and approved for asylum in Australia. We might appear to ‘stop the boats,’ but what we are clearly doing is sending them on a multimillion dollar detour to another country, where they can be detained for  years on end, be at risk to a number of health issues, including severe mental health problems, only to be brought to Australia anyway.

What this says to me is that we need to be looking at our culture and society as a whole, rather than appearing tough on people smugglers. This whole campaign is to try to win the votes of the ‘anxious’ public, to  use PM Gillard’s words. For some reason, we as a nation have developed a bizarre over-reaction to the 3.4% of asylum-seekers that arrive in this country. That’s right, only 3.4% of all asylum-seekers arrive in this country via boat. This problem is not going to stop under a Pacific Solution policy, that much is clear. If a government wants to appear strong on border protection, then it needs to address the under-education of the Australian public in regards to asylum-seekers. Why are they really coming? Why do 3.4% of them come on boats? Why do they risk their lives to come here? Policy needs to be directed at the real causes of these issues. Creating policy by pandering to under-education compounds the problem, not alleviates it, and we are doomed to a cycle where this will be an election issue every 3 years. So tell me, are the Liberal’s not hypocrites for throwing money at a ‘solution’ that has nothing to do with the problem? Abbott’s slogan is ‘real action,’ but there is nothing real about the Pacific Solution. It is a waste of money, a waste of time and it does not ‘stop the boats.’ It is constructed only for appearances. And I for one am not happy about seeing my tax money fund such an absurd policy.

References

1. Asylum Seekers Sent to Nauru, A Just Australia, http://www.ajustaustralia.com/mediareleases_latest_view.php?id=999144EC-5F55-4EDE-40572D0506D70A6F

2. Asylum Seekers Sent to Nauru, A Just Australia, http://www.ajustaustralia.com/mediareleases_latest_view.php?id=999144EC-5F55-4EDE-40572D0506D70A6F

3. Refugees in Nauru settled in Australia, Yahoo7 News, 29 July 2010, http://au.news.yahoo.com/a/-/latest/7671892/refugees-in-nauru-settled-in-australia/

4. Coalition would jail people-smugglers, Sydney Morning Herald, 8 August 2010, http://news.smh.com.au/breaking-news-national/coalition-would-jail-peoplesmugglers-20100808-11prf.html

Image: The Big Money by David Muir, http://www.flickr.com/photos/daviddmuir/2125697998/

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Mythbusting: Boat People As A Security Threat

Another myth that seems to have a lot of  prelevance and influence is that asylum seekers who arrive by boat (boat people) can pose a security threat to Australia, and thus border security is extremely important. I know I have certainly seen this discussed on television, usually accompanied by images of the Navy suiting up and preparing to board a rather leaky-looking boat. While it does seem a bit unnecessary, it certainly doesn’t do anything to stop the fear that we are under threat from these ‘strangers.’ It certainly is a common theme in refugee discussion in Australia. 

According to the Refugee Council of Australia, the majority of boat people (a whopping 85-90%) are found to be genuine refugees. In fact, those travelling by boat are generally more likely to be granted refugee status, compared to just 40% of all those who apply for asylum who arrive via plane. That’s a huge difference.

In case you are wondering, the 1951 Refugee Convention excludes granting refugee status to those who have committed war crimes, crimes against peace, crimes against humanity, or similar activities.  There are very serious background and security checks done on refugees, and anyone guilty of the crimes mentioned earlier will be denied refugee status, therefore, it makes it extremely unlikely that any ‘security threats’ will be granted refugee status.  Also, given the security checks, not to mention the dangerous journey a refugee must take, it is highly improbable that a terrorist or other ‘security threat’ would try to enter Australia as a refugee.

Therefore, we must conclude that boat people do not pose a credible threat to Australia’s security. With up to 90% of them found to be genuine refugees, this myth is one that needs to be exposed and locked away for good. For the record, I am all for border security. In fact, I work in that industry. But that asylum seekers themselves are a threat to Australia is a notion that must be looked at factually, and the facts show that this is just another myth, a myth we need to expose.

For more info, check out the Refugee Council of Australia’ fact sheet: http://www.refugeecouncil.org.au/docs/news&events/rw/2010/4%20-%20Myths%20and%20facts%20about%20refugees%20and%20asylum%20seekers%202010.pdf

Image: Scared Ghost by Scr47chy used with permission. Some rights reserved.

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2 Days As A Refugee Realities Volunteer

Stage 88 Stage 88

My trip to Canberra began a bit after 4am on a cool but calm Monday morning in the Eastern Suburbs of Sydney. After a quick check of the emails and a hot tea and breakfast to warm me up, it was time to hit the shower, get changed and throw the final items into my suitcase. After taking the elevator to the basement, my bags were placed into my car, water & oil checked, and finally departing my apartment at just a few minutes after 5am. It was still very dark outside, and quiet. There was a small amount of traffic; early risers and truck drivers were my only companions on the highway as I began the 288 kilometer journey. It was a nice drive, watching the sun come up just after 6:30, and I appeared to be heading into a beautiful day. There was some heavy fog the further south I got, and coming into Canberra it was very heavy around Lake George. After getting my bearings thanks to some rather indirect GoogleMaps directions, I finally pulled into Commonwealth Park and headed to the parking lot. As I stepped out of the car, I was hit with a wall of cold air; I had plenty of heating in the car, and while I was expecting it to be quite cold, it was a bit of a shock at first! Not knowing much of Canberra, let alone Commonwealth Park, I had a quick look around before finally seeing a sign advising me of the directions to Stage 88.

The sights before me were quite surreal; as I continued down the path, with few others around me, I walked into a series of tents, with a rather large but fenced-off group of tents to my right. This would appear to be the mock refugee camp. As eager as I was to explore, especially check out the camp, I headed down towards Stage 88, which had a series of drapes depicting refugee populations covering the entire stage. I could see a big Oxfam logo at the front of a stage, in front of some chairs, which I would find out later was to facilitate the media who would be coming to report on the interesting collection of tents in the middle of their city’s park. I soon found the entrance to the ‘Green Room,’ which, if you have had some experience with acting or musical concerts like me, will know that is the ready room behind a stage where performers await their call. Just like other green rooms, it was full of people chatting and getting ready for the day, with a big urn of hot water for tea and coffee, and plenty of food also spread out on a table against the back wall. I introduced myself to Megan Chand, who is one of the chief organisers of the event, who got me Refugee Realities hoodie (which I secretly hoped at the time I could keep- and I did!) and then told me to help myself to tea and coffee, and I quickly helped myself to some tea to warm me up. Soon after, Jess Boyden, who I knew well from the Oxfam Sydney office arrived in the green room, and it seemed we would be part of the group of volunteers at Stage 14.

The Amnesty, UNHCR and ICRC stalls The Amnesty, UNHCR and ICRC stalls

Stage 14 was the 14th and final stage of the Refugee Realities Experience, and it was here we would be talking with the groups who had just done the tour, inviting some feedback, discussing refugee issues and giving them a chance to become involved in refugee advocacy, or at least, advising what can be done. Stage 14 was placed on Stage 88 itself, among some stalls/information booths for the organisations RedR, UNHCR, ICRC and Amnesty International. While the other stalls were not manned, we quickly became friends with the staff manning the Amnesty stall, and I had a great time over my 2 days there chatting to the Amnesty guys; sometimes we’d discuss the more serious human rights issues of the world, and other times we had quite casual and friendly chats. My main role was to supervise the computers and feedback we’d be receiving. We had 4 laptop computers set up at one corner of the stage where we invited people to share what they had just experienced in a variety of ways, such as Twitter, Facebook, our Refugee Realities blog @ 3things, as well as to be a little more active by sending a letter to their MP, asking them to take refugee issues seriously and humanely. It was very interesting to see how the different age groups used the laptops. The 12-15 year olds seemed a little too obsessed with Facebook, and seemed uninterested by other means, and instead chose to tell the world that they had just been to Refugee Realities by updating their status. This is fine, mind you, but it was interesting to see such a lack of diversity. The other groups were far more varied in their activities. Even the primary school kids (who were far more engaged than any other group, I felt) were sending letters to their MPs, commenting blogs about their experience and reading article. The older high school kids were also fantastic, and left some great feedback on our blog and were very interested in chatting to the Oxfam and Amnesty crew about the issues.

Jess chats to some school students about the experiences they just had Jess chats to some school students about the experiences they just had

Day two continued much the same, with a lovely cappuccino and some hot toast to kick it off. After facilitating some more groups, I was permitted to undertake the Refugee Realities Experience for myself, and spent the next 90 minutes walking in the shoes of a refugee. It was a fantastic experience. The blindfolds in particular were very effective, as we were led through a forest with the sounds of animals and footsteps haunting us as we continued. One of the other most eye-opening experiences was the mock refugee camp, which for me, even as someone who spends a lot his time reading literature on refugees, and it really hit home as to the reality that refugees face. I’ve seen plenty of documentaries and even a couple of movies with refugee camps, but walking around a mock camp really opened my eyes to what these people face for up to 17 years of their lives (on average). I think sometimes pictures and video desensitise us, because actually being in the refugee camp was something I was not prepared for. Despite the fact I knew the other volunteers and some of the stages, being in there and amongst it was eye-opening.

A look at part of the refugee camp A look at part of the refugee camp

After the tour, it was back to Stage 88 to volunteer, but first I was provided with some amazing Vietnamese chicken and corn soup which tasted brilliant, but also warmed me up. The rest of day two continued uneventfully, with more groups coming through and learning more from us, or the stalls around them. After a few more groups, it was home time already as we packed up for the day, and I reluctantly made my long journey back to ‘the real world’ in Sydney. It was a strange feeling getting back into my own bed; as lovely as it was, I didn’t feel as happy knowing I would not be getting up tomorrow to help out in Canberra. Despite the at times simple nature of what I was doing, I really enjoyed the work, enjoyed chatting the Oxfam and Amnesty folk, meeting the school kids, talking to actual refugees about their experiences and of course the lovely Vietnamese cooking. I really felt like I was making a difference, no matter how small it might actually have been, and that I was helping Australians have an experience unlike no other.

I hope everyone who can, gets a chance to come to Refugee Realities, because it truly is a unique and eye-opening experience.

Below are a couple of videos about the RR tour, done by myself, if you care to take a look.

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The Dangerous Journey of a Refugee

As you may have read in my 67 Million and Counting blog post on this site, there are 25 million refugees in the world who are displaced because of a conflict in their country. As a result, these refugees must face some very serious threats to their health and safety as they flee. The most serious of those obstacles are landmines, cluster bombs, and small & light weapons, and millions of refugees must risk injury or death because of these as they flee. Below is a little bit about each of these perils.

Landmines

Landmines are designed to maim, rather than kill their victims. This weapon cannot be aimed at a target, so they indiscriminately injure men, women and children. The production and use of landmines has not yet been entirely eradicated, and the number of landmine casualties increases every year because of existing and newly laid mines. At least 75 countries are affected in some way by landmines and/or unexploded bombs. An estimated 10 million landmines remain uncleared in Afghanistan alone. What’s worse, is that they can stay active for more than 50 years, making this weapon incredibly dangerous even after the conflict has subsided, posing risks to a second generation of people.

Cluster Bombs

Cluster bombs are weapons that release dozens or hundreds of similar submunitions. They can be air-dropped or delivered by artillery or rockets from the ground as grenades. Like landmines, they are extremely hazardous to people, as due to their widespread dispersal, they cannot distinguish between soldiers and men, women and children who are simply caught up in the crossfire. Another problem is that sometimes submunitions fail to explode on impact so that, like landmines, they can detonate accidentally long after the conflict has ceased.

Clutster munitions are more likely to kill than maim once detonated. They were responsible for more civilian deaths in Kosovo in 1999 and Iraq in 2003 than any other weapon system.

Small Arms & Light Weapons

One of the biggest threats facing civilians in a conflict situation is the widespread availability of small arms and light weapons. Small arms are weapons such as revolvers, self-loading pistols, rifles and light machine guns. These are designed for use by a single individual. Light weapons are by contrast designed to be used by several individuals and include heavy machine guns, hand-held and mounted grenade launchers, portable anti-aircraft and anti-tank guns.

Between one-third and three-quarters of all serious human rights violations and 85% of killings reported by Amnesty International involve the use of small arms and light weapons. There are about 640 million small arms in the world, or one weapon for every 10 people on earth. There is around ten to 14 billion units of ammunition manufactured every year, or enough to kill every person on the planet…twice.

For more information:

http://www.landmines.org/Page.aspx?pid=796

http://www.stopclustermunitions.org/the-problem/

http://www.controlarms.org/

Image Used Courtesy: Carol Guzy, Lucian Perkins and Michael Williamson some rights reserved

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Number Crunching – The Harsh Realities of Refugees

According the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, there are an estimated 67 million people who have been forcibly displaced from their homes by wars and natural disasters. 1  26 million people are internally displaced people forced to flee due to conflict 2. And 25 million are internally displaced persons who have fled natural disasters 3. Due to the nature of the refugee process though, only 11.4 million of those people are actually registered with the office of UNHCR. 4

To put these figures into perspective, the estimated number of refugees around the world is 3 times that of the entire population of Australia. In 2007, 13,017 persons were granted humanitarian visas and refugee status by Australia. However, Australia is a drop in the ocean when it comes to global asylum claims, with 86, 162 asylum applications submitted between 1997 and 2003. Compare that to 958, 165 in Germany, 723, 662 in the United States and 679, 027 in the United Kingdom. 5 These figures show us just how real and how serious are the issues facing millions of people around the world, not to mention the countries who are required to assist these displaced persons.

This article is not so much an attempt to bombard you with statistics, but to point out just how many people around the world are displaced and seeking refuge. And each one of these 67 million people have their own story to tell. If you  were one of those 67 million, what would your story be?

1. FAQs, UNHCR, http://www.unhcr.org.au/faqs.shtml

2 FAQs, UNHCR, http://www.unhcr.org.au/faqs.shtml

3 FAQs, UNHCR, http://www.unhcr.org.au/faqs.shtml

4 FAQs, UNHCR, http://www.unhcr.org.au/faqs.shtml

5. Facts and Statistics, Refugee Council of Australia, http://www.refugeecouncil.org.au/arp/stats-01.html

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Mythbusting: Are Assylum Seekers Illegal Immigrants?

Australia  has developed a strange sense of a paranoia when it comes to asylum seekers, refugees and ‘boat people;’ news reports play intense music and report each boat arrival as it is an invading warship, and with some politicians eager to capitalise on the fear-inspired misinformation, it is time to take a quick look at the facts behind the asylum seeker issue in an attempt to help everyone understand what is really going on.

Firstly, let us take a look at the difference between an asylum seeker and a refugee. Often, these two terms are used interchangeably and incorrectly, and this doesn’t always help us to understand the full picture. An asylum seeker is someone who is seeking international protection but whose claim for refugee status has not yet been determined. In contrast, a refugee is someone whose claim for refugee status has been officially recognised under the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of refugees. According to the United Nations High Commission For refugees (UNHCR), the 1951 convention defines a ‘refugee’ as any person who:

…owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, is outside the country of his nationality and is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country; or who, not having a nationality and being outside the country of his former habitual residence as a result of such events, is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to return to it…1


There is some confusion between refugees and economic and illegal migrants, and often these misconceptions  lead people to the wrong conclusions and at times xenophobic reactions to refugees. It is important that we separate refugees from economic and illegal migrants. As the UNHCR defines:

Refugees flee because of the threat of persecution and cannot return safely to their homes in the prevailing circumstances. An economic migrant normally leaves a country voluntarily to seek a better life. Should they return home, they would continue to receive the protection of their government. 2


In laymen’s terms, the difference is that an asylum seeker is a person believed to be a refugee, but whose status as a genuine refugee has not yet been determined. But Australia has had a poor time in actually representing asylum seekers as those seeking refugee status. These misconceptions have often led some of the Australian population, including politicians to view boat people as ‘illegals’ or ‘illegal immigrants.’ So what exactly is an ‘illegal?’ According the Australian Department of Parliamentary Services:

Generally speaking ‘illegal immigrants’ are people who enter a country without meeting the legal requirements for entry (without a valid visa, for example). 3


So are these asylum seekers really ‘illegal immigrants’? No.

…under Article 14 of the UN 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, everyone has the right to seek asylum and the 1951 Refugee Convention prohibits states from imposing penalties on those entering ‘illegally’ who come directly from a territory where their life or freedom is threatened. The UNHCR emphasises that a person who has a well-founded fear of persecution should be viewed as a refugee and not be labelled an ‘illegal immigrant’ as the very nature of persecution means that their only means of escape may be via illegal entry and/or the use of false documentation.   4


The Refugee Council of Australia also notes that it is impractical for asylum seekers to obtain the requisite documentation prior to departure:

Applying for a passport and/or an exit visa can be far too dangerous for some refugees; so too can be an approach to an Australian Embassy for a visa. These actions can put their lives, and those of their families, at risk. In such cases refugees may have to travel on forged documents or bypass regular migration channels and arrive without papers.5


Therefore we should be very clear that at no times are refugees/asylum seekers defined as ‘illegal immigrants’ or considered ‘illegal’ at any stage during their bid for arrival, regardless of how they arrive in this country. We should be very careful not to classify refugees as ‘illegal’s as this only promotes xenophobia towards these genuine people.

Now, let us tackle the perception that asylum seekers are ‘queue jumpers.’ This perception achieved a lot of popularity during the Howard government years, but is it actually a true reflection of the status of these people? again, the answer is no. Per the Department of Parliamentary Services:

The concept of an orderly queue does not accord with the reality of the asylum process. 6


Further noting is the Refugee Council of Australia, who further emphasises that the reality is far different to the perception:

implicit in this view is that Australia should not be bothered by people seeking protection under the Refugee convention and that genuine refugees should go to other countries and wait patiently in the hope that Australia may choose to resettle them 7


The truth of the matter is that only a small amount of asylum seekers are registered with the UNHCR, so few that only 73,400 applications out of the total 861, 400 claims in 2008 were registered prior with the UNHCR. In fact, registrants are one the decline, down from 15% in 2006 to just 9% in 2008. 8  Refugee resettlement therefore ‘complements and is not a substitute for the provision of protection to people who apply for asylum under the Convention’. 9

So the fact of the matter is, registering with UNHCR, besides being at times impractical, is also not a reflection of those actually seeking refugee status. Therefore, when just 9% in 2008 were registered with the UNHCR, and with the resettlement program a SUPPLEMENT, not an alternative to the Convention,  it is illogical, and unethical to define any asylum seeker as a ‘queue jumper.’

In summary, we have taken a look at just what is an asylum seeker and some of the stigma surrounding asylum seekers and attempted to dispel fiction with fact. I hope this blog post has achieved that, and allowed you the readers to understand the truth behind asylum seekers, in an attempt to debunk these very unfortunate misconceptions.

References:

1 Convention and Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees, UNHCR, http://www.unhcr.org/3b66c2aa10.pdf

2 Who Are Refugees?, UNHCR, http://unhcr.org.ua/main.php?article_id=5&view=full

3 Asylum Seekers and Refugees: What Are The Facts?, Department of Parliamentary Services, http://www.aph.gov.au/library/pubs/bn/sp/AsylumFacts.pdf

4 Asylum Seekers and Refugees: What Are The Facts?, Department of Parliamentary Services, http://www.aph.gov.au/library/pubs/bn/sp/AsylumFacts.pdf

5 Australia’s Refugee Program: Frequently Asked Questions, Refugee Council of Australia, http://www.refugeecouncil.org.au/arp/faqs.html

6 Asylum Seekers and Refugees: What Are The Facts?, Department of Parliamentary Services, http://www.aph.gov.au/library/pubs/bn/sp/AsylumFacts.pdf

7 Speech to the ALP National Conference Fringe Event: Which Way Forward? Refugee, Security and the Asia-Pacific, P Power, http://refugeecouncil.org.au/docs/resources/0907_ALP_Fringe.pdf

8 statistical Yearbook 2008, UNHCR, http://www.unhcr.org/pages/4a02afce6.html

9 Asylum Seekers and Refugees: What Are The Facts?, Department of Parliamentary Services, http://www.aph.gov.au/library/pubs/bn/sp/AsylumFacts.pdf

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My Life As A Child Soldier & Refugee

Recently, I started reading a book by a former child soldier and refugee, called Cola’s Journey, an autobiography by Cola Bilkuei. The book recounts Cola’s unfortunate recruitment into Sudan’s SPLA, one of the many the anti-government organisations who recruited child soldiers to send into combat against government forces and militia raiding villages in the nation’s south. Cola then recounts his escape from the SPLA, and subsequent journey through Africa, as a refugee, fleeing from persecution before finally becoming accepted by the UN refugee program in South Africa, who organised his passage to freedom in Australia.

For anyone interested in refugees, or the issue of child soldiers, this book is an absolute must. It is a first-person account of life in a war-torn country, struggling to survive as both a soldier and a refugee and his subsequent journey from Ethiopia all the way to South Africa, before relocation to Australia. Get yourself a copy of this book, it is a stunning account about the death of innocence, the horror of war as well as an inspirational against-all-odds story in such dire and unfortunate circumstances on a continent gripped by so much heartache. But above all, it is a book of hope and courage.

Cola’s Journey is available at all book retailers and online (for a list of online sellers, please see http://www.booko.com.au/books/isbn/9781405038416 )

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